By Sanford F. Schram
Through focusing squarely at the cultural dimensions of social welfare coverage, Sanford Schram brilliantly illuminates fresh turns in coverage and politics. Nor does he moderate the fabric for the symbolic. really he indicates the shut connections among the cultural and fabric facets of coverage. such a lot welcome of all, Schram's paintings is imbued with a unprecedented empathetic predicament for the folks who're either the beneficiaries and sufferers of social welfare. --Frances Fox Piven, Graduate heart of the town collage of recent York
''If you will want a flesh-and-blood tale of the genuine agendas that lie in the back of policy-making within the age of tricky love, After Welfare is the simplest ebook at the subject. Schram's incisive divulge makes for awesome universal sense.'' --Andrew Ross, ny collage
''This engagingly written e-book lays naked the ''dirty little secrets'' of a brand new order of social coverage, one who beaches up inequality via tapping into cultural reserves of race and gender prejudice whereas publicly proposing a impartial face. Its energy derives from Schram's eloquence, his sharp wit, and his expertise for persuading the reader to scrutinize social coverage in the course of the lens of social theory.'' --Lisa Disch, college of Minnesota
''Sanford Schram's After Welfare is an exemplary mixture of political conception, cultural critique, utilized coverage research and astute and complete mapping of the modern politics of welfare. it may interact a large readership in either academia and the coverage community.'' --Michael J. Shapiro, collage of Hawai'i
Do modern welfare regulations replicate the realities of the financial system and the wishes of these short of public tips, or are they in line with superseded and idealized notions of labor and relatives lifestyles? Are we're relocating from a ''war on poverty'' to a ''war opposed to the poor?'' during this critique of yankee social welfare coverage, Sanford F. Schram explores the cultural anxieties over the putatively deteriorating ''American paintings ethic,'' and the category, race, sexual and gender biases on the root of present coverage and debates.
Schram is going past examining the present situation to provide a revolutionary replacement he calls ''radical incrementalism,'' wherein activists might recreate a social defense web adapted to the categorical existence conditions of these in want. His provocative options contain a sequence of courses aimed toward transcending the present pernicious contrast among ''social insurance'' and ''public assistance'' in an effort to larger handle the desires of unmarried moms with kids. Such courses might comprise ''divorce insurance'' or perhaps a few type of ''pregnancy insurance'' for ladies without technique of fiscal aid. via pushing for such courses, Schram argues, activists can make nice strides in the direction of attaining social justice, even in cutting-edge reactionary weather.
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Additional info for After Welfare: The Culture of Postindustrial Social Policy
Used as a marker, race continues to systematically disadvantage blacks. As long as African-Americans are treated differently— even if not on account of their biology or culture—the conditions for their subordination are re-created. 64 He is right that explicit racial discrimination is less tolerated; however, he is wrong if he is understood to suggest that race is not significant for privileging some over others. The difference is that now whites discriminate on the basis of economics rather than biology or culture.
74 Such problems with men do not invalidate them as contractual persons; but problems with women who have been deserted and left to raise children on their own do. The needs and rights of some people are better recognized in liberal contractual discourse than those of others. Some people are considered in need of constant monitoring, others are not. Not all contracts are the same in the contractual society. In the process, social policy becomes its own cause, slaying its own dragons as it creates its own welfare queens.
The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act therefore reinforced the Contract with America’s version of the contractual person as privileged in the social order. The act allowed states to make welfare conditional upon signed agreements. The use of the word “contract” here was not coincidental. 55 The “individual responsibility plans” or “contracts of mutual responsibility” spawned by the 1996 welfare reform law were in keeping with a new Contract with America. In the process, a new inverted contract has been written and with it a new regime for getting welfare recipients to embody the contractual person.